Remarks as prepared for delivery:
Thank you, Mike, for the introduction. The Alexander Hamilton Society is lucky to have you at its helm.
And thanks to Molly Tobin, and the whole AHS staff for putting on tonight’s event.
I’m honored to join you to commemorate the publication of your new journal: 1776: The Beginnings of American Exceptionalism Abroad. It’s a great piece of work. Please join me in congratulating every contributor on a remarkable piece of work.
I recently had occasion to celebrate the career of one of the Alexander Hamilton Society’s founders, Aaron Friedberg. Aaron was my dissertation advisor at Princeton 30 years ago. I remember when he and the AHS co-founders first told me about their plans to found this organization. I was proud to support it in those early days and to serve on the board.
In his trenchant book, Leadership, the late Henry Kissinger observed that nations are always in motion, hurtling into an uncertain future.
“Along this route,” he writes, “leadership is indispensable: decisions must be made, trust earned, promises kept, a way forward proposed.” And sometimes, leadership is more indispensable than others.
This is one of those times. America is at war. Leadership is at a premium.
The Alexander Hamilton Society exists for moments such as this. To ensure there are leaders prepared to meet it.
I began my career forty years ago, as a young Army lieutenant. Through the decades, as a soldier, scholar, diplomat, CEO, and now elected official, I have seen our country pass many such tests from the fall of the Iron Curtain to the Gulf War to 9/11 to the global financial crisis.
Tonight, as our brave men and women in uniform face the enemy half a world away, I would like to pause and reflect on what these experiences suggest about the importance of decisive action, the virtue of humility in war, and the need for vigilance at the hinge points of history.
2026: Decisive Action
12 days ago, the United States launched Operation Epic Fury: the campaign against the Islamic Republic of Iran.
My heart breaks for the families of the 7 men and women killed. I hope all Americans will join me in praying for those brave patriots, their families, and all those still fighting for our nation.
But as I watch the capabilities and professionalism of our brave men and women today, my heart swells with pride. All signs indicate they are achieving their military objectives. They are destroying Iran’s missiles, missile launchers, weapons production capabilities, and navy and leveling Iran’s ability to produce nuclear weapons.
No other nation could have done this.
No other nation could have mustered the intelligence to take out the top two tiers of Iran’s leadership or deliver so much firepower so precisely.
No other nation could have coordinated so magnificently with its allies and partners to deliver these deadly effects. No country but America.
Apparently, some disagree. Some question how imminent the threat from Iran was; whether it warranted action. Some of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle challenged the constitutionality of the operation. Some now question the conduct of the military. Mostly, I hear warnings of quagmires and fears that this could become another forever war.
Like so many others, I got caught up in the wave of triumphalism leading up to the Iraq war in 2002 and 2003 and am scarred by the 20 years of war that followed.
I understand the fears of prolonged, aimless operations. However, we must not accept a false choice between forever wars and surrender.
We can – and should – be confident in President Trump’s decision to take down the largest state sponsor of terror.
This is a regime with the blood of thousands of Americans on their hands.
This is a regime that chanted “death to America” and called us the “Great Satan.”
This is a regime committed to developing nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles to back up the threat.
This is a regime that armed Russia with drones and fueled communist China with its oil.
This is a regime that impoverished a once great nation and murdered tens of thousands of its own people.
But, though firm in our commitment, let us also remember that in matters of war, humility is a virtue.
Both thoughts can coexist. We can be confident in our cause and humble in its execution. We can arm ourselves to defend our security interests while appreciating the fog and friction of warfare.
America can – indeed it must – be ready and willing to deploy decisive military force to secure its interests and achieve clear military objectives. Twelve days into this war, that’s exactly what the Trump Administration has done.
After Operation Midnight Hammer, the President gave the ayatollahs every opportunity to disable and disavow their nuclear weapons and missile programs. They refused to do so.
Instead, they took initial steps to restart their nuclear weapons program, while doubling their efforts to build a shield of ballistic missiles and proxy terrorist forces across the Middle East. Every day we waited, the cost to forcibly end their nuclear weapons program grew, as did their capacity to devastate the region.
Imagine a world in which Iran – a regime devoted to the destruction of the United States and Israel – had the nuclear and conventional weapons to make it happen.
Imagine if just one of the missiles that struck Middle Eastern capitals had borne a nuclear warhead.
We would be living in a different world.
The threat from Iran was imminent. It may not have come tomorrow, but tomorrow is often too late. When the moment presented itself to remove the looming, inevitable threat, the President struck, and rightly so.
This was resolute and decisive leadership in action, and it is most needed in times of peril.
But such resolve must be matched with humility—the second leadership virtue I’d like to impress upon you tonight.
2002: Humility
On the desk in my Senate office sits a framed copy of an op-ed I once wrote. Describing the prospect of a military campaign in the Middle East, it reads: “The cause is noble and just. Military objectives are achievable and clear.”
The title: “Let’s Roll Against Saddam Hussein.”
I wrote that piece 24 years to the day before Operation Epic Fury began, on February 28, 2002. And I have thought about it every day since the shooting started in Iran.
Our country did roll against Saddam Hussein. The initial invasion was swift and decisive. It removed him from power and collapsed his regime. But then the mission drifted.
In that 2002 essay, I dismissed concerns that a “stable, democratic post-Hussein regime would be difficult to achieve.” I was wrong.
I failed to appreciate how complicated that mission would be – how vague and broad aims would eventually lead to indecisiveness and directionless military operations.
That’s exactly what happened. Our presence in Iraq devolved into a drawn-out occupation because we bought into the so-called Pottery Barn Rule: “If you break it, you own it.”
That naive notion never should have governed American policy. It sent us down an arrogant and ineffective path, but we must NOT learn the wrong lesson.
The lesson of Iraq isn’t “never use military force.” The lesson is that sometimes it is necessary to use force to clear ends that advance America’s interests.
But in those moments, humility is vital. Humility about the scope of our ambitions; the boundaries of our power; the limits of our responsibility.
If an adversary threatens us, we must and will remove the threat. And whatever remains is their concern and responsibility, not ours.
Our adversaries bring violence to their door by endangering our citizens and our national interest. They own the consequences. And what comes next.
To some, that may sound nasty and brutish. But I speak from experience when I say there is nothing more nasty and brutish than war.
My heart will always hurt for loss of life, particularly innocent civilians, but the American military sets the global standard for precision and protecting non-combatants.
More important, our armed forces serve to secure American interests. Not to build nations for others.
I imagine some students of history here are asking, didn’t we rebuild Japan and Europe after World War II?
Yes, but not out of idealism or charity.
President Truman and the wise men at his side looked back at the preceding decades of war and depression. They saw the Iron Curtain descending, and they recognized that they had to form a ballast against communism and a world more conducive to American prosperity and peace.
This was a realistic and brutal assessment of what was required to secure a better world for America.
The operation in Iran is different from Iraq – and miles away from World War II. We are using the might of the United States military to remove a grave threat, not remake global politics.
We must not convince ourselves we “own” Iran as we did Iraq.
Instead, there are three potential endgames. And America is better off in each.
First, the regime endures but a new leader emerges — one America can work with. The President appears to be on a path to achieve this in Venezuela. Even if that leader falls short of a true partner, Iran’s missile and nuclear programs will be significantly degraded.
Second, the regime collapses and a new one takes its place. Whether it is pro-Western is ultimately up to the Iranian people in the long-term.
The third potential outcome is that Iran experiences state collapse. This is the most volatile outcome, and it demands the most humility.
In the chaos that follows, new threats can take root. America must remain vigilant. But even on this path, nuclear blackmail and Iran’s ballistic missile and drone threat is off the table — and that alone is a historic achievement and makes America safer.
1991: Vigilance
All three outcomes leave our nation more secure than it was before, and all are made possible by the efficacy, lethality, and professionalism of our extraordinary armed forces.
There is a third and final point I’d like to leave you with: in moments of profound change like this, it is more important than ever that we remain vigilant in maintaining American strength and leadership.
In the past year, we have taken strong steps to rebuild America’s military. Congress has boosted defense spending and accelerated reforms. President Trump has rightly pushed to raise spending further and directed a comprehensive overhaul of our defense acquisition system.
The early fruits of that effort are on display in Iran. We have integrated AI, autonomous systems, drones, and precision technology alongside our exquisite platforms.
Intelligence targeting that required two thousand soldiers can now be executed by a team of twenty.
The last time the world saw America’s military dominance at this scale, I was a young lieutenant in the 82nd Airborne Division during Operation Desert Storm. President H.W. Bush, like Trump today, had taken decisive action to eliminate a real threat to our national security.
I will always remember driving across the desert into Iraq on the first day of the campaign. The dawn light illuminated scattered husks of Iraqi tanks, trucks, and artillery destroyed by our precision-guided missiles and superior air power.
When the smoke cleared over Iraq and the operation ended, American military dominance stood unrivaled. Charles Krauthammer declared it the “unipolar moment.”
But our leaders squandered our position. They told themselves America had won and they could afford to dismantle our military and decommission our industries.
They were wrong, and we’re now paying to undo the damage done by their short-sightedness three decades ago.
So, when the smoke clears over Iran, and America stands triumphant, we must not become complacent.
You can rest assured that our geopolitical adversaries in Beijing are watching our success in Iran with interest and concern. They hope we will repeat past mistakes, draw down, and lose our edge.
If we do, they will win.
Just as we cannot prematurely declare mission accomplished in Iran, we must not declare mission accomplished on the rebuilding of America’s military.
We must continue to learn from the revolution in military affairs on display in Ukraine and Iran. We must accelerate innovation and rebuild our defense industrial capacity.
Our enemies still circle looking for weakness. Let us stay vigilant in response.
A Time for Heroes
I’ll close with a word for those gathered here tonight. As America turns the page into the next 250 years, the greatest risk we face is not enemies abroad but cynicism, incrementalism, pettiness, and divisiveness at home.
To borrow from President Reagan, “We have every right to dream heroic dreams. Those who say that we’re in a time when there are not heroes, they just don’t know where to look.”
Dear Friends of the Alexander Hamilton Society. In this next generation, we need heroes to face this moment with resolve, humility, and vigilance.
I challenge you — I urge you to be the heroes our nation needs for this great moment and this great mission.
Thank you.